'The very poor' can climb out of poverty but only if we let them

The fact that millions of fellow citizens are trapped in poverty is on our minds, and not only because of a Mitt Romney remark. A UW panel proposed a few remedies.

Child Care Center

Courtesy of U.S. Department of Health and Human Services

Child Care Center

Machinist training program at Shoreline Community College

Courtesy of SkillUp Washington

Machinist training program at Shoreline Community College

Weatherization trainees in a Philadelphia green jobs training program

Courtesy of the City of Philadelphia

Weatherization trainees in a Philadelphia green jobs training program

Poverty is on the national radar screen again. In the wake of the recession, Occupy Wall Street, and the latest U.S. Census numbers, Americans are paying a new kind of attention to reports that the proportion of Americans in deep poverty is the largest in 35 years and that holes in the safety net are gaping wide.

The recognition has extended to such consequences of class differences as the trap of permanent poverty in America’s small towns and the decline of family-wage blue-collar jobs everywhere. While the race gap has begun to close, the class gap has widened, especially in the educational success of rich and poor students. Newspapers across the country are pondering (e.g., here, here, here, and here) Charles Murray’s new book, Coming Apart, on the dire straits of the white working class.

In the past we believed that we live in a nation of opportunity, but statistics today yield a different picture. In America, compared to other wealthy nations, economic status is more likely to be inherited instead of earned. The country's economic policies may not have been designed to ensure that some classes of people get to cultivate their personal potential while the capabilities of others get stunted. But some policies have had that effect, and have helped stall upward mobility among the non-affluent. 

A panel of Evans School faculty at the UW earlier this month, discussing "The Changing Face of American Poverty," reviewed some ways in which the nation’s economic structure depresses opportunity for poor and working-class Americans while the wealthy receive an ongoing systematic boost. One nice thing about public policies (compared to, say, the law of gravity or the value of pi) is that they can be changed. Panelists suggested policy revisions that could begin providing poor families with some of the tools they need for climbing out of poverty.

Evans School professor of public affairs Robert D. Plotnick kicked off the discussion with a broad overview of statistics showing that children and the working poor have made “essentially no progress” since the 1960s, despite President Lyndon B. Johnson's declaration of a "war on poverty" 50 years ago. During that time demographic factors, such as the increased number of single-parent families, have played a part in deepening the downslides of an up-and-down economy, said Plotnick.

But “human capital policies” such as head start programs, and training to develop the job skills of adults, have been perennially underfunded by national and local governments, Plotnick said, hardening financial disadvantage.

Marcia Meyers, a professor of social work and public affairs, followed up with this question: If to achieve economic security all adults must be employed, who will care for the children? “We are an employment-forcing society,” she said, but there's no guaranteed public care until kids are old enough to go to school.

Relatives can't care for the children of working parents today because “grandmothers are working, too,” said Meyers. Even where they are available, relatives untrained in child development make professional day care centers preferable for providing the richer learning environments and literacy experiences kids need to get a good start but which poor kids tend not to get at home. Unfortunately, child care centers affordable for low-income families are statistically inferior to the excellent options available for children of high earners, she said.

Childhood environments that fail to develop young emotional and intellectual capacities equip children all too well for lifelong poverty. So as a work support policy (not only for the sake of poor families but for child care providers, among the worst-paid employees in the nation), Meyers recommended a public system of child care as universally available as is public schooling. “Why just start at age 6, when the first five years are the critical ones?” Other wealthy countries have high-quality publicly regulated systems that acknowledge the care of children to be a collective social responsibility, she said.

Rachel Garshick Kleit, an associate professor of public affairs, pointed out that since the 1980s federal support to create affordable housing has declined so drastically that people living at or near the poverty level must pay more than half their income on housing. This “means not paying for something else,” she said. In Seattle there are 16,000 affordable housing units available for 50,000 low-income renters, said Kleit. Although nonprofit organizations have provided more low-income housing during the past two decades, “so many affordable units are lost every year we don't get ahead,” she said.

During the same period, federal support rose for people who already own homes, in the form of policies like tax exemptions for mortgage interest. “Today we spend $220 billion on homeownership, and only $60 billion on affordable housing,” said Kleit.

Finally, associate professor  of public affairs Marieka M. Klawitter argued that incentives for and assistance with building financial assets should be provided to the working poor. “People who have assets are more likely to participate in neighborhood and civic life, more likely to plan for the future, to have a buffer to prevent utilities cuts or food insecurity,” she said. Klawitter outlined a number of different asset-building initiatives funded through collaborations between private and public sectors today, some of which include financial training and case management.

One initiative matches a person's savings toward a goal — buying a car, or a computer for schoolwork — in a locked account so that funds can't be withdrawn until the goal is reached. Another opens child savings accounts with a gift deposit of, say, $500 when a baby is born, which can be used only for the child's education or eventual retirement. A third would be prize-linked savings accounts, which give people a chance at winning a lottery-style cash prize every time they make a deposit that stays in the account for a certain number of months. Still others are Bank On initiatives, in which banks charge poor people low, transparent fees and require low minimum deposits to encourage savings while providing a less costly check-cashing option than payday loan shops.

Behavioral economics teaches that “we all need a push,” said Klawitter. “We need to have locked-in mortgages. Our employers take money out [of our paychecks] for our retirement.” So for poor people “we need to both fund [asset-building intiatives] and provide incentives.” The federal government finances asset-building for middle- and upper-class families, for example with tax deductions on home mortgage interest. But these advantages “don't reach down to the lowest” income levels.

Mitt Romney said “the very poor” don’t concern him because they’re protected by a social safety net. Of course some poor individuals will need social services due to temporary or permanent disabilities. But if the Evans School panelists were right, the critical fact Romney and many others fail to understand is this: What the great majority of poor people really need are equalized opportunities to use their talents to build productive lives.

Panel members weren’t arguing that the system has deliberately been stacked against the poor; they merely pointed to one of many ways in which it’s skewed toward the rich. The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), while helpful to eligible low-income families that know about it, hardly impacts the public coffers when compared to the Byzantine abundance of loopholes and tax benefits legally extended to Americans with a great deal of money.


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Comments:

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 8:30 a.m. Inappropriate

I wonder if opportunites for America's poor would be improved if we didn't accept 30 Million of Mexico and Central Americas poor as illegal aliens in this country? Higher wages and more opportunities for citizens entitled to a helping hand.

Cameron

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 8:56 a.m. Inappropriate

Panel members weren’t arguing that the system has deliberately been stacked against the poor; they merely pointed to one of many ways in which it’s skewed toward the rich.

Those panel members should have addressed how the system here has been deliberately stacked against the poor.

The state and local tax structure government managers have put into place here deliberately targets the individuals and families with the least economic means. It is meant to impact that cohort disproportionately heavily. Moreover, the effects of implementing the most regressive tax regime in the country have bad secondary effects on our local economy, providing another barrier to those seeking to help themselves via obtaining employment.

Consider the effects of our local tax policies as they relate to two categories of taxpayers. We have some large corporations for whom these are the best of times. Boeing, Microsoft, Amazon, and Starbucks are profitable, and doing some local hiring. Each of them is the recipient of large state and local tax expenditures (aka, preferential tax treatment/engineered loopholes). Moreover, each sells nationally and internationally. That means: 1) it is of no consequence that the local economy has been doing poorly (with high unemployment) for years, and 2) they don’t have to collect and remit high (10%) sales taxes from their customers. That’s a recipe for economic success.

Now consider the overly-regressive taxing targeting the individuals and families with the least economic means, that is, the working poor this panel was talking about. That is the demographic targeted for particularly heavy taxing by our state and local government leadership. The nearly 10% sales tax is designed to hit those with the least the hardest. Also, there’s an economics principle called the multiplier effect. Money spent locally sloshes around many times in the local economy. Not enough of that happens here because high regressive taxes act as an economic anchor. Local small businesses can not afford to hire new employees. New businesses will open elsewhere, where the private sector spending is more robust. This dynamic will continue for decades, and get worse and worse because of how regressive taxes are tied to long term bonds whose proceeds don’t do much for the local economy.

The regressive tax structure here acts as a heavy, wet blanket on the economic engine that drives other local economies out of recessions: consumer spending. Moreover, consider how much of the regressive tax revenue confiscated for “transit” in particular is lost to the local economy, immediately. Sound Transit can’t ship sales tax revenue out of the local private sector fast enough. It makes huge payments to bondholders, non-local contractors, and engineering firms. Vast sums are sent off to BNSF and Amtrak. Oversees contractors get hundreds of millions of dollars for railsets and tunnel boring machines. The size of Sound Transit’s payments to entities such as other local governments, state governments, and indirectly to unions are staggering – far larger than its peers make.

The heavy sales taxes imposed here for transit are a significant anomaly. Other regions impose little or no direct new taxes targeting people for buses and trains. The working poor here though are an intentionally-disfavored group when it comes to fiscal policy, especially in terms of transit taxing. The fact that this panel only addressed benefits governments could provide that demographic, and not the bad impacts of our skewed taxing regime, is a significant oversight. Lower and middle class families and individuals are a deliberately-disfavored group here, despite the fact that spending by them is what the political leadership is counting on to increase the region’s economic prosperity. That’s a “disconnect” at least one of these panelists should have noted.

crossrip

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 1:24 p.m. Inappropriate

Outlaw all public employee unions and drastically overhaul the "non-profit" section of the tax code and, maybe, the "very poor" have a chance. Currently, though, there are too many financial interests in keeping them as clients.

BlueLight

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 2 p.m. Inappropriate

": If to achieve economic security all adults must be employed, who will care for the children? " (Marcia Meyers quote). Surely this must be the most profound question of the piece. Economically, the case for mothers working was at least partly based on the belief that a relatively well compensated parent could afford to have someone of lesser economic value care for the child. Under this assumption professional day care would make sense only for someone who commands a much higher salary than a day-care worker. Income is seductive, sometimes imperative, but in the long view there can be nothing more important to society than raising the children, right? I'm pretty sure caring for children is boring but is it so excruciating that we must turn it over to the government? I guess all children would then start with the same handicap; is that the goal?

kieth

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 2:41 p.m. Inappropriate

An extremely well-researched and written article, Judy, one which will serve as a reference for many who are concerned with this issue.

Crossrip, everything you said is correct as far as the effects of our non-system on poor people, but there's no real evidence that poor people are deliberately targeted, as opposed to wealthy people being deliberately privileged.

sarah90

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 5:18 p.m. Inappropriate

Thanks for looking at this, Judy. As Plotnick pointed out in his opening presentation, the poverty rate has been dismayingly consistent ever since
the Great Society efforts of the 1960s attempted to reduce it. I have spent some time looking at the issue, individually and with others, and
have believed for some time that we were on the right track in the 1960s with focused efforts in education and job training which were cut back, first, because of Vietnam War spending and, then, by differing priorities by later administrations. All kinds of demographic and other societal changes have made the issue even more difficult in recent years.

Comments about Washington state policy are particularly relevant. Our principal elected officials like to think of themselves as progressive and/or liberal yet they hand out huge tax subsidies to favored companies and industries, cutting a huge hole in the public revenue base, and continue to finance the state and its localities with highly regressive taxes. Poor and low-income people are hit hardest in that kind of environment. Of course the strongest antidote to poverty is a good job.
That means we need policies which stimulate economic growth and, then, provide our citizens with education and skills which qualify them for jobs.
These are the fundamentals but we seem consistently unable to pursue them.

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 8:37 p.m. Inappropriate

I'm with Sarah90 but would go one step farther: the poor are not targeted for good or ill, they are simply ignored, more or less as they always have been.

To TVD, be careful about the vague belief in the abstract "good jobs" as a solution. These aren't just sitting there waiting to be created by smart politicians or professors of public policy. Making a drone is a "good job," created by a public policy to go to war; educating a chemist to create a new GMO food is a "good job" for destroying the natural food supply. I'm not exactly sure that's the solution. Good jobs that are moral are difficult things to create in the modern world. Unlike our generation, TVD, we need to think beyond mere income as the defining characteristic of a "good job."

bkochis

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 9 p.m. Inappropriate

--there's no real evidence that poor people are deliberately targeted, as opposed to wealthy people being deliberately privileged.

--the poor are not targeted for good or ill, they are simply ignored, more or less as they always have been.

Those two are trying to suggest what goes on here is benign.

Every time the state legislators enact regressive taxes, and delegate authority to local governments for sales taxes and car tab taxes, they are deliberately targeting the poor. Every time local government heads impose sales taxes, pledge sales taxes as security to bonds, implement car tab taxes, etc. they are deliberately intending to cause disproportionately heavy taxing on those with the least wealth. Those facts are axiomatic.

crossrip

Posted Mon, Feb 20, 9:10 p.m. Inappropriate

I hardly meant that wealthy people being privileged over poor people is a benign practice. I'll try to be more clear: as bkochis says, rather than being targeted, the poor are ignored -- they are not considered part of our human community. That's extremely dangerous, both to poor people and to the nation as a whole.

sarah90

Posted Tue, Feb 21, 11:28 a.m. Inappropriate

The consensus of comment seems to be that the "poor" (not exactly defined) are worse off in Washington than they are in, for example, Oregon or California. That may be true but I have never seen it demonstrated with any kind of objective evidence. If you can't get a job I guess that makes you poor; are poor people who live on food stamps, unemployment benefits or disability checks more poor than someone with a job that pays minimum wage? well, yes probably , because the minimum wage employee still has access to food stamps. None of us pay sales taxes on rent or food. I think Washington's tax structure is unfair to property owners and makes corrupt bargains with some employers but I note that the critics of Washington's tax structure generally do not identify those states that more nearly approach perfection.

kieth

Posted Tue, Feb 21, 2:27 p.m. Inappropriate

Washington's tax structure is not unfair to property owners. No state is unfair to property owners, because property owners may take a nice deduction on their federal taxes (even property owners who have multi-million dollar houses, and those who have second homes). Property owners who are landlords pass their property taxes on to their tenants.

Washington's tax structure is unfair to people who are poor, because our tax system does not provide for a reliable safety net. If you don't think that's true, check the state budget cuts which have happened over the last few years, and will be worsened in a few weeks by our current legislative session.

sarah90

Posted Thu, Feb 23, 12:03 p.m. Inappropriate

Everyone must pay their fair share of federal income taxes yet half of the population pays $0.00 in federal income tax.

animalal

Posted Thu, Feb 23, 2:46 p.m. Inappropriate

Thanks for writing, animalal. About half of those who pay no federal income taxes don't earn enough for IRS taxes to kick in. About 22% are senior citizens living on tax-exempt Social Security payments. About 15% are low-wage family earners who receive an Earned Income Tax Credit against what they owe. http://www.csmonitor.com/Business/Donald-Marron/2011/0728/Why-do-half-of-Americans-pay-no-federal-income-tax

Posted Fri, Feb 24, 1:14 p.m. Inappropriate

And then there are the corporations which pay no federal income tax on their multibillion-dollar profits, and individuals like Mitt Romney who pay a lower percentage of their multibillion-dollar income than does someone with a $30K yearly income.

sarah90

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